第21章 Speech Before the Virginia Convention 弗吉尼亚制宪会议上的演讲

Patrick Henry, 1730-1799, was born in Hanover County, Virginia, He received instruction in Latin and mathematics from his father, but seemed to develop a greater fondness for hunting, fishing, and playing the fiddle than for study. Twice he was set up in business, and twice failed before he was twenty-four. He was then admitted to the bar after six weeks' study of the law. He got no business at first in his profession, but lived with his father-in-law. His wonderful powers of oratory first showed themselves in a celebrated case which he argued in Hanover Courthouse, his own father being the presiding magistrate. He began very awkwardly, but soon rose to a surprising height of eloquence, won his case against great odds, and was carried off in triumph by the delighted spectators. His fame was now established; business flowed in, and he was soon elected to the Virginia Legislature. He was a delegate to the Congress of 1774, and in 1775 made the prophetic speech of which the following selection is a portion. It was his own motion that the "colony be immediately put in a state of defense." During the Revolution he was, for several years, Governor of Virginia. In 1788 he earnestly opposed the adoption of the Federal Constitution. When he died, he left a large family and an ample fortune. In person, Mr. Henry was tall and rather awkward, with a face stern and grave. When he spoke on great occasions, his awkwardness forsook him, his face lighted up, and his eyes flashed with a wonderful fire. In his life, he was good-humored, honest, and temperate. His patriotism was of the noblest type; and few men in those stormy times did better service for their country than he.

It is natural for man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of that siren till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the number of those, who, having eyes, see not, and having ears, hear not the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth; to know the worst, and to provide for it.

I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided; and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past; and, judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves and the house? Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received? Trust it not: it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves, how this gracious reception of our petition comports with those warlike preparations which cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves. These are the implements of war and subjugation, — the last arguments to which kings resort.

I ask, gentlemen, what means this martial array, if its purpose be not to force us into submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy in this quarter of the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies?No, she has none. They are meant for us: they can be meant for no other. They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British ministry have been so long forging. And what have we to oppose to them? Shall we try argument? We have been trying that for the last ten years. Have we anything new to offer upon the subject? Nothing. We have held the subject up in every light in which it was capable; but it has been all in vain.

Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we find which have not been already exhausted? Let us not, I beseech you, deceive ourselves longer. We have done everything that could be done, to avert the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned; we have remonstrated; we have supplicated; we have prostrated ourselves at the foot of the throne, and implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical bands of the ministry and parliament. Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult; our supplications disregarded; and we have been spurned with contempt from the foot of the throne.

In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free; if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending; if we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained—we must fight! I repeat it, we must fight! An appeal to arms and the God of Hosts, is all that is left us.

They tell us that we are weak; unable to cope with so formidable an adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength by irresolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance by lying supinely on our backs, and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot? We are not weak, if we make a proper use of those means which the God of nature hath placed in our power.

Three millions of people, armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess, are invincible by any force which our enemy can send against us. Besides, we shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations; and who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, we have no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat but in submission and slavery! Our chains are forged. Their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston! The war is inevitable; and; let it come! I repeat it, let it come!

It is in vain to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry peace, peace; but there is no peace. The war is actually begun. The next gale that sweeps from the north, will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty, or give me death.

帕特里克·亨利（1730 ～1799年），出生于弗吉尼亚州汉诺威郡，父亲教过他拉丁语和数学，但他喜欢的是打猎、钓鱼和拉小提琴而不是学习。他24岁之前两次创业，但是都失败了。在研习6个星期法律之后，进入律师事务所工作。他刚从事律师职业的时候，根本接不到活，于是跟随伯父一起住。当他在汉诺威法庭上和别人进行辩论时，他第一次展示了令人折服的雄辩能力。他的父亲是地方法官，他起初感到十分尴尬，但是他很快就通过令人惊叹的辩论，打破重重阻隔，赢得了他的案子，兴奋的观众把他抱了起来，在人群中传来传去。经过那场胜利之后，他名声大噪，案子也接踵而至，他也很快被推选进入弗吉尼亚立法机构。他是1774年国会代表，1775年他发表了一场预言性演讲，演讲主题是“坚决并且时时反对殖民”。独立战争时期，他曾经当过数年弗吉尼亚州州长。1788年，他反对联邦宪法的通过。去世时，他留下了一个大家庭和一大笔财产。就个人来说，亨利是个高大且有些笨拙的人，他的表情既严肃又严厉。当他在重要场合说话的时候，会摒弃往常的笨拙，表情会被激情点燃，眼睛里闪烁的光芒犹如华美的烟火。他个性幽默，为人诚实，脾气温和，具有最高尚的爱国精神。在那个困难时期，这个国家没有人比他做得更出色。

人们陷入希望的幻觉中是很自然的事情。我们都倾向于闭上眼不去看令人感到痛苦的事实，情愿听警笛的噪声，直到它把我们都折磨到失控。这样努力地去取得自由是否更加明智呢？我们是不是有眼睛却看不到，有耳朵却听不到那些涉及救赎他们的声音？不管我是否会付出惨痛的代价，我都要知道真相，知道最坏的事实，并且去改善它。

我脚下的灯在指引我，那盏明灯就是经历，我不知道该如何评价未来，但是我知道怎样评价过去。至于评价过去，我想要知道英国内阁在过去十年是在哪里通过安抚他们以及通过给予住所的方式来满足他们愿望的？那阴险的笑容是我们的请愿就能得到的吗？不管你信不信：事实证明，它就是你脚下的陷阱。告诉自己不要被一个吻所背叛。扪心自问，我们高尚的请愿怎么能够跟那些战争——那些霸占我们的海域、侵略我们国家的战争相提并论呢？爱与和解，真的需要舰队和武器才能保驾护航吗？我们有没有表示过不愿被那股宣称要赢得我们的爱的力量所和解？我们不要再自欺欺人了。这些都是战争与镇压的工具，争论的最后焦点是必须诉诸王权。

绅士们，我要问问你们，这些战略部署如果不是为了迫使我们就范，那又意味着什么？如果说其目的不在于迫使我们屈服的话，那么哪些先生能指出其动机所在？在我们这块土地上，还有哪些对手值得大不列颠召集如此规模的海陆军队呢？不，先生们，没有其他对手。一切都是针对我们而来的，而不是针对别人。英国政府用如此长久锻造出的枷锁来压迫我们，我们该如何抵抗？还要靠辩论吗？先生们，我们已经辩论十年了，可是我们辩论出什么更好的抵御措施了吗？没有！我们已经从各种角度考虑过了，但一切都是枉然。

难道我们还要求救于哀告与祈求吗？难道我们还有什么更好的方法未被采用吗？无须寻找了，先生们，我恳求你们，千万不要自己欺骗自己了。我们已经做了应该做的一切，以阻止这场即将来临的战争风暴。我们请愿过了，我们抗议过了，我们哀求过了，我们也曾拜倒在英国女王的宝座下，恳求她出面干预，制裁国会和内阁中的残暴者。可是，我们的请愿遭到了蔑视，我们的抗议招致了新的暴力，别人对我们的哀求置之不理，我们被人家轻蔑地一脚从御座前踢了下去。

事到如今，我们再也不能沉迷于虚无缥缈的和平与希望之中了。希望已不复存在！假如我们想得到自由，并拯救我们为之长期奋斗的宝贵权力的话，假如我们不愿彻底放弃我们长期从事的，曾经发誓不取得最终胜利就绝不放弃的光荣斗争的话，那么，我们必须战斗！我再重复一遍，必须战斗！我们的唯一出路就是武力解决，求助于战争之神。

主席先生，他们说我们的力量太单薄了，不能与如此强大凶猛的敌人抗衡。但是，我们何时才能强大起来呢？是下周？还是明年？还是等到我们完全被缴械，家家户户都驻守着英国士兵的时候呢？难道我们就这样仰面高卧，紧抱着那虚无缥缈的和平幻觉不放，直到敌人把我们的手脚都束缚起来的时候，才能获得有效的防御手段吗？先生们，如果我们能妥善利用自然之神赐予我们的有利条件，我们就不弱小。

如果我们三百万人民在自己的国土上，为神圣的自由事业而武装起来，那么任何敌人都无法战胜我们。此外，先生们，我们并非孤军作战，主宰各民族命运的正义之神，会号召朋友们为我们而战。先生们，战争的胜负不仅仅取决于力量的强弱，胜利永远属于那些机警、主动、勇敢的人民。况且，我们已没有选择的余地。即使我们没有骨气，想退出这场战争，也为时晚矣！我们已毫无退路，除非甘受屈辱和奴役！囚禁我们的锁链已被铸就，波士顿草原上已经响起镣铐的叮当声。战争已不可避免——那就让它来吧！我再重复一遍，就让它来吧！

回避现实是毫无用处的。先生们会高喊：和平！和平！但和平安在？事实上，战争已经开始，从北方刮来的大风会将武器的铿锵回响送进我们的耳朵，我们的同胞已身在疆场，我们为什么还要站在这里袖手旁观呢？先生们希望的是什么？想要达到什么目的？生命就那么可贵、那么甜美吗？人们甚至不惜以戴锁链、受奴役的代价来换取吗？万能的上帝啊，请阻止这一切吧！在这场斗争中，我不知道别人会如何行事，但就我而言，不自由，毋宁死！